Archive for the ‘Economics’ Category

Two arguments

Saturday, January 28th, 2006

I liked this quote:

One arguments holds that the market is essential to individual freedom or to respecting people’s self-ownership. Forced redistribution of resources away from the outcome resulting from individual exchange violates people’s freedom to do what they like with what is theirs. Another, quite distinct, argument claims that the market gives people what they deserve. Talented, hardworking people deserve more than untalented feckless ones, and the market makes sure they get it. These justifications may coincide, in particular cases, but defenders of the market shouldn’t slide from one to the other without being aware that they may not.

Political Philosophy, Adam Swift, page 39.

I tend to agree.

Caribbean phone wars hit Trinidad

Thursday, January 12th, 2006

If you have been following the travels of former Esat BT/Esat Digifone owner Denis O’Brien you will be aware that he has been investing heavily in the Caribbean. It seems that Digicel is causing something of a problem on some of the islands:

Historically, C&W has had a virtual monopoly in Britain’s former Caribbean colonies – a monopoly that has been suffering erosion since 2001, when Irish businessman Denis O’Brien, the man behind Digicel, entered the Jamaican market with the country’s first GSM mobile phone service.

Digicel quickly became the market leader in Jamaica and now has operations in 15 countries in the region, including Barbados, Grenada, Antigua and Barbuda, St Vincent and the Grenadines, Haiti and St Lucia.

“We generally overtake the incumbents within the first 12 months or quicker,” Mr O’Brien says.

But C&W has been prepared to fight Digicel every step of the way, as the West Indies Cricket Board discovered to their cost last year.

C&W had sponsored the West Indies team until 2004, when the board signed a five-year deal worth $20m (£11.4m) with Digicel instead – a move described in some quarters as being tantamount to replacing Coke with Pepsi.

In the meantime, C&W had signed individual sponsorship deals with seven West Indies players, including Trinidad-born captain Brian Lara and big-hitting Jamaican batsman Chris Gayle.

The resulting conflict led to the seven being dropped from last year’s opening West Indies Test match against South Africa in Guyana, although the weakened home team still held the visitors to a draw.

And so desperate was the incumbent to hold on to customers that they offered a buy-one-get-one-free phone deal to customers, causing riots.

McCreevy to save Europe?

Tuesday, November 29th, 2005

The Economist outlines Charlie ‘bundled to Brussels’ McCreevy’s plan for simplifying financial services in the EU.

The former Irish finance minister, now the EU’s internal-market commissioner, is regarded as both a sensible champion of capitalism and a bureaucrat who has slowed the march towards a single market. But he is also seen as an enforcer who roughs up member states that don’t toe his line—pity his spokesman, who says, only half in jest, that Mr McCreevy wants to make him the least popular man in Brussels.

The sensible McCreevy is likely to be on display in a new financial-services plan for the next five years, due to be laid out by the European Commission on December 5th. The “White Paper” is sparing in its new proposals—a relief to financial firms groaning under a glut of past initiatives from the Brussels rule factory. In return, McCreevy the enforcer has undertaken to see through the huge volume of reforms already on the books. Being frugal with the new rules helps him to be adamant about the old.

Simplifying things can only be a good thing, can’t it?

On Brian Crowley

Monday, November 7th, 2005

After chatting with Brian Crowley briefly last week I am still puzzled and perplexed by some of the arguments in favour of the Common Agricultural Policy. This is mainly because he argued about it in a way I had not read or heard before. He mentioned the three current pillars of CAP, and I can only remember two that he mentioned, but he was emphatic about saying that CAP was not about subsidies.

Rather, CAP is about paying farmers to maintain the land as it currently is, and farmers being paid to look after their animals. It was also about food security, food standards and guaranteed supply to markets.

Yea, I was just as puzzled.

Of course I argued that subsidies, sorry payments, distort the market. That if Irish farmers produce say, sugar, and that same product can be produced cheaper by another country and exported to Ireland and sold to consumers at a cheaper price, then so be it. That is the market in action surely. And Irish sugar farmers go out of business, and start growing something else, or farming differently, growing say, rape seed oil. And it is natural that farmers adapt to market demands. And if the land goes into disuse – then let someone else buy it.

But in Crowley’s view, we should pay farmers to keep doing what their doing, regardless of whether it makes economic sense, because afterall, they are keeping the land the way it is, and looking after animals (that are there by virtue of the nature of the industry anyway).

Another example arose surrounding beef. I noted that it could be argued that if beef can be imported cheaply from say Brazil, why should money be given to farmers in the from of payments that resulted in the production of beef? Surely this amounted to distorting – aha argued Crowley, what if Foot and Mouth hit Brazil in this scenario – what then?

Price of beef goes up due to shortage of supply, people stop buying so much beef.

“So the consumer is king?” Remarked Crowley.

“Yes” I replied.

On the subject of the Constitution I thought Crowley was losing the run of himself. He argued that it would be back, probably in its current form, before it dies in late 2007. I just can’t see it, at least not its current form. But I felt a certain amount of smugness from Crowley, who argued too that no Treaty should have to be put before the people of Ireland at all, but should be passed instead by the Dail. He also dismissed any idea that having two Nice Treaty referenda was anything undemocratic, and that the Seville Declaration made the second referendum an entirely different document. (probably referring to Article 29.4.9 of the Constitution, but still allows Irish participation in Common Security and Defence)

So too was a rather strange, and to me outlandish, view that Iceland and Norway would join the European Union. Was all his time spent in Strasbourg really going to his head? Was I living on some different planet – Norway joining the EU? Not in my lifetime, and I would bet, probably never.

And then there was the article Stephen Collins wrote in the Sunday Tribune on the 30th of October, something Crowley appeared to take great exception to. It all relates, I believe, to the passage into law of the Sea-Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Bill 2005. It has been causing some consternation among Deputies, and long story short – the Department of the Marine screwed up in drafting the legislation. Just don’t tell Brian Crowley I told you that.

Globalization drives a wedge into EU

Monday, October 24th, 2005

I like this quote from Ann Mettler of the Lisbon Council, concerning France’s economic policies:

“France has not internalized a very important transition that is happening in Europe right now, which is the shift from the industrial economy to the knowledge and services economy,” said Ann Mettler of the Lisbon Council, a market-oriented research group based in Brussels. “Its interest groups, which are very strong, are still trying to preserve the industrial age.”

Sums it up pretty nicely.

A tankful of sugar, Brazil’s ethanol

Thursday, September 29th, 2005

I never knew that Brazil had previously gone down the road of ethanol based fuel for cars.

Prompted by the oil shocks of the 1970s, Brazilian governments used laws and subsidies to promote ethanol-only cars, which had 90% of the market by the late 1980s. But supplies of sugar-based fuel dried up suddenly when planters rushed to meet a surge in demand for sugar. Sales of ethanol-powered cars dropped to nearly zero by 1990—one taxi driver famously set his alight outside Congress.

Flex-fuel cars have persuaded Brazilians to give ethanol a second try. The initiative came from the Brazilian operations of parts suppliers such as Magneti Marelli, owned by Fiat of Italy, and Bosch, a German company. They persuaded the government to extend to flex-fuel cars the tax break previously applied to ethanol-only models. Volkswagen was first to the market, followed quickly by other big manufacturers.

Ford announced this week that flexi-fuel based cars will go on sale in Ireland in November. Ford are hoping that Brian Cowen will give tax breaks on bio-ethanol based cars. They have already proved very popular in Scandanavian countries. However flexi-fuel in Ireland will apparently be produced from the waste made during certain dairy processes, a product known as bio-ethanol. I am not sure if that produced from sugar is better or worse.

Is a Slimmer Sony Coming?

Tuesday, September 20th, 2005

With the new guy in charge it looks like Sony are trying to get back on an even keel.

Few doubt that Sony, a much diminished force and brand, needs some shock therapy to revive itself. After all, its core electronics division, which accounts for 70% of sales, has lost money on an operating basis for the last two years.

Sony’s cost structure is bloated, and it has plenty of noncore businesses that could be sold off to raise cash for the main event at Sony: Turning out ultracool gadgets and must-have content that will wow global consumers once more.

Stringer is slated to roll out his restructuring plan on Sept. 22. In recent months, market chatter and the CEO’s comments have made pretty clear Sony has been looking into ways of streamlining its electronics product lineup, reorganizing its global plant network, and instituting some pretty painful layoffs.

Word has it that there will be huge lay-offs in the pipeline, perhaps as high as 15,000 people. And stock usually goes up after redundancy announcements, Sony currently trade at $36.55 a share.

The Future of Oil

Tuesday, September 20th, 2005

Foreign Policy poses seven questions to Matthew Simmons, a chief proponent of the idea of peak oil. Some of the juicier ones:

FP: You’ve written that Saudi Arabia relies on old and overproduced oil fields that are likely to start declining in output. How has Riyadh responded to your analysis?

MS: They’ve said “trust me, we have no problems.? Petroleum Minister Ali Naimi said that they could pump up to 15 million barrels per day for as many as 100 more years. The likelihood of that is as remote as me being on the moon 10 years from now. They dismiss requests for any field-by-field data as preposterous, and simply say that they’ve been a reliable supplier of oil for 70 years. My view is that it’s just good supply chain management to ask a key vendor for details about their capacity. Plus, they are shopping the market so hard for drilling rigs right now. If they can produce 15 million barrels per day for another 50 to 100 years, why do they need new rigs?

FP: Which countries are best positioned to deal with a decline in oil production?

MS: Papua New Guinea. Unfortunately, that’s an honest answer. The countries that haven’t yet built a society that needs an exponential amount of oil are in the best shape. Around 30 years ago, around half the world didn’t really use oil. And now look, cities like Hanoi have millions of motorcycles they didn’t have five years ago. We’ve built the global economy based on the false assumptions that oil is just another commodity, that the Middle East has basically unlimited amounts of oil, technology will improve, and that the price of oil would get progressively cheaper.

The more I’ve gotten into this, the more similar it is to what we do in our own minds with ignoring people’s getting old. When do you take your parents’ car keys away? It’s so painful that you go into denial that they’re getting really old.

Asian squirrels

Monday, September 19th, 2005

Interesting figures:

China has overtaken Japan: it now has the world’s largest foreign-exchange reserves. The combined reserves of the People’s Bank of China and the Hong Kong Monetary Authority stood at $833 billion at the end of June. By now, given their recent rate of growth, they could be nudging $870 billion-worth, most of this in dollars—well ahead of the $830 billion in Japan’s coffers at the end of last month. Asia as a whole now has a stash of more than $2.5 trillion, two-thirds of the world total, up from $1 trillion in 2000.

Ultimately the Economist blames Americans not saving for its current account deficit, not Asian governments.

Oil prices return to record highs

Wednesday, August 10th, 2005

These kind of rises could really eat into any growth forecasts for the rest of the year, how high can it go?

In Wednesday trading in New York, a barrel of US light crude temporarily hit a fresh high of $65.00 before ending the day’s trading at $64.90. London Brent saw similar gains, jumping $2.08 to a new peak of $64.06 a barrel, before settling at $63.99.

Monkey business-sense

Wednesday, July 6th, 2005

I rather liked this story from last week’s Economist. It concerns risk aversion in humans and monkeys.

When buying things in a straight exchange of money for goods, people often respond to changes in price in exactly the way that theoretical economics predicts. But when faced with an exchange whose outcome is predictable only on average, most people prefer to avoid the risk of making a loss than to take the chance of making a gain in circumstances when the average expected outcome of the two actions would be the same.

…Keith Chen, of the Yale School of Management, and his colleagues decided to investigate its evolutionary past. They reasoned that if they could find similar behaviour in another species of primate (none of which has yet invented a cash economy) this would suggest that loss-aversion evolved in a common ancestor. They chose the capuchin monkey, Cebus apella, a South American species often used for behavioural experiments.

So the experiment was carried out as follows:

First, the researchers had to introduce their monkeys to the idea of a cash economy. They did this by giving them small metal discs while showing them food. The monkeys quickly learned that humans valued these inedible discs so much that they were willing to trade them for scrumptious pieces of apple, grapes and jelly.

Preliminary experiments established the amount of apple that was valued as much as either a grape or a cube of jelly, and set the price accordingly, at one disc per food item. The monkeys were then given 12 discs and allowed to trade them one at a time for whichever foodstuff they preferred.

Once the price had been established, though, it was changed. The size of the apple portions was doubled, effectively halving the price of apple. At the same time, the number of discs a monkey was given to spend fell from 12 to nine. The result was that apple consumption went up in exactly the way that price theory (as applied to humans) would predict. Indeed, averaged over the course of ten sessions it was within 1% of the theory’s prediction. One up to Cebus economicus.

The experimenters then began to test their animals’ risk aversion. They did this by offering them three different trading regimes in succession. Each required choosing between the wares of two experimental “salesmen?. In the first regime one salesman offered one piece of apple for a disc, while the other offered two. However, half the time the second salesman only handed over one piece. Despite this deception, the monkeys quickly worked out that the second salesman offered the better overall deal, and came to prefer him.

In the second trading regime, the salesman offering one piece of apple would, half the time, add a free bonus piece once the disc had been handed over. The salesman offering two pieces would, as in the first regime, actually hand over only one of them half the time. In this case, the average outcome was identical, but the monkeys quickly reversed their behaviour from the first regime and came to prefer trading with the first salesman.

In the third regime, the second salesman always took the second piece of apple away before handing over the goods, while the first never gave freebies. So, once again, the outcomes were identical. In this case, however, the monkeys preferred the first salesman even more strongly than in the second regime.

What the responses to the second and third regimes seem to have in common is a preference for avoiding apparent loss, even though that loss does not, in strictly economic terms, exist. That such behaviour occurs in two primates suggests a common evolutionary origin. It must, therefore, have an adaptive explanation.

What that explanation is has yet to be worked out. One possibility is that in nature, with a food supply that is often barely adequate, losses that lead to the pangs of hunger are felt more keenly than gains that lead to the comfort of satiety. Agriculture has changed that calculus, but people still have the attitudes of the hunter-gatherer wired into them. Economists take note.

And yes I would be much more pro-nature as oppose to nurture.

Oil in troubled waters

Wednesday, May 4th, 2005

The Economist has oil as its cover story this week, a subject oft-covered on this blog. Vijay Vaitheeswaran is writing this story in the Economist. Here’s a nice graph:

CSU598

Vijay notes, and I will highlight the bits I like:

More worryingly, Mr Morse believes the problem extends well beyond just spare production capacity. He points to the tightness in markets for oil rigs, tankers, petroleum engineers, refinery capacity and various other bits of the oil value chain, and concludes that the problem is systemic: “The illusion that oil is in perennial oversupply has led to two decades of underinvestment in the oil industry. The world has been living off the legacy spare capacity built up many years ago.?

Given today’s high prices, surely the market will soon enough provide the necessary new infrastructure? Probably not, for two reasons. The first is that the world seems to be coping rather well with today’s shockingly high prices, so perhaps they have to persist for longer or rise higher still before investors are stirred into action. The second reason is the bitter memory of oil at $10 a barrel.

OPEC countries are unlikely to rush to build lots of spare capacity because they are worried that another price collapse may follow. PFC Energy observes that when the oil price hit $55 late last year, spare capacity was less than 15% of the 8.7m bpd peak reached in 1985, and notes: “OPEC national interests do not lie in creating large capacity surpluses that have existed for most of the history of oil.?

But as always in the style of Economist articles – on the other hand…

Still, the crunch may ease if the Saudis rebuild their buffer. It may be in their interest to do so. For most of the OPEC countries, it makes sense to try to maximise prices in the short term because their reserves of oil are relatively small. The Saudis, by contrast, are sitting atop at least 260 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, far more than Libya, Venezuela, Indonesia and Nigeria combined. Even at current production levels of around 10m bpd, which make them the world’s top exporters, they have enough oil to pump for most of this century. They will not want prices to stay too high for too long, or else investors will put money into non-OPEC oil or alternative fuels.

The desert kingdom’s rulers also remember the lessons of the 1970s oil shocks, when the biggest losers were not consuming economies (which eventually adapted to higher prices) but the petro-economies of OPEC. Ali Naimi, the Saudi oil minister, rejects the idea that his country wants prices to rise ever higher: “We are misunderstood: we thrive on the economic growth of others, which is concomitant with energy demand.? That is why the Saudis have long acted as the voice of moderation within OPEC, resisting calls from price hawks such as Libya, Iran and, since the rise of Mr Chavez, Venezuela to squeeze consumers.

Indeed, at the most recent formal OPEC meeting, held in Iran on March 16th, the Saudis in effect bullied reluctant cartel members into trying to calm prices down. They won agreement for a rise in oil production quotas to boost global oil inventories that looked like a reversal of the cartel’s established policy of keeping OECD inventories tight and prices high.

Developments within Saudi Arabia seem to confirm that the buffer is being rebuilt. Saudi Aramco, the state-run oil giant (and the world’s largest oil company), has recently launched its biggest expansion programme in many years. Outside contractors report a surge in rig counts and drilling activity as the country increases spare capacity to its stated goal of 1.5m-2m bpd. But even if Saudi Arabia is willing to re-establish an adequate buffer, this could take years. Will prices stay high until then?

Well will they? In short, yes. But there is a ‘but’ attached. Here’s why.

OPEC ministers and Wall Street analysts talk of a new “price paradigm?. At first sight, there seems to be something in that. In the past, contracts for delivery of crude months or years ahead (what Alan Greenspan, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, has poetically called “distant futures?) usually stayed low and stable even if the spot price shot up because of some short-term disruption. But for the past couple of years the distant futures have tended to shoot up too. The markets clearly expect that higher prices are here to stay.

Political scientists point to the bloated welfare states in most OPEC countries which will require higher oil prices to balance budgets and avoid social unrest. Some industry analysts see a new “floor? price of $30-40, if only to persuade oil firms to splash out on necessary investments upstream. Matt Simmons, a prominent energy investment banker, thinks that in view of rising input costs (for such things as oil rigs, steel pipes, tankers and so on) the oil price “needs to go way, way up?.

But…(and what was Bush saying about China’s demand for oil recently?)

One factor is potential weakness in demand. There is much talk about Chinese demand changing all the rules, but that is just plain wrong. China’s share of world oil consumption is still under 8%, far smaller than America’s at 25%. Goldman Sachs, an investment bank, estimates that even assuming robust growth, China will remain a smaller oil consumer than America for decades to come.

And the growth in China’s oil demand of nearly 16% last year is unsustainable. For one thing, there are simply not enough cars in all of China to guzzle that much oil. Much of the 2004 rise was related to the country’s overheating economy and is unlikely to be repeated. For example, shortages of cheap coal led to the use of pricey fuel oil or dirty diesel for electricity generation; as bottlenecks in the coal system ease, that oil use will disappear. Over the past two years, as the country has developed its oil infrastructure, it has needed to fill pipelines, storage tanks and the like, but these were one-off purchases. The International Energy Agency (IEA) says that in January and February 2005, Chinese oil demand rose by only 5.4% on the same period in 2004, less than a quarter of the rate a year earlier. And if China’s banking sector or its overall economy takes a knock, oil consumption is bound to be hit too.

And to conclude:

Aramco’s boss [Saudi's and indeed the world's largest oil company] Abdallah Jumah, sums it up: “Where the oil price goes, nobody knows.? He wishes it were otherwise. “The key is stability so we can plan. Oil investments take a long time to come to fruition.? His boss, Mr Naimi, argues that “oil is simply too vital a commodity to be left to the vagaries of the marketplace.? But even Saudi Arabia cannot guarantee oil-market stability, especially with its buffer so depleted. Indeed, the only sensible thing anyone can say about oil prices today is that they are unlikely to remain stable.

The difference between economists and political scientists

Tuesday, April 19th, 2005

Dan Drezner has a lenghty post concerning a debate he’s having with Matthew Yglesias and Brad DeLong. It surrounds the US request for China to “immediately introduce a flexible currency” which the FT reports is “a marked shift in tactics after several years of patient diplomacy aimed at nudging China towards allowing the renminbi to float”.

Drezner notes:

Brad’s assertion is that political scientists think that “getting serious” about something is dispatching an ambassador — as opposed to the economists who want to fix the problem. Actually, to a political scientist — more specifically, one who studies international relations — you “get serious” about an issue like the currency when you engage in tactical issue linkage to change other government’s policies in such a way as to change the balance of returns and risks facing those buying and selling in foreign exchange markets. If one can arrange for other countries to bear a greater portion of the costs of adjustment from the current set of macroeconomic imbalances, then political scientists will predict that governments will prefer this policy option ten times out of ten — even if the long-term economic picture would be improved by listening to economists. [Yes, but doesn't this still leave the U.S. with some long-term macroeconomic problems?--ed. I believe it was an economist who pointed out what happens in the long run.]

This leads to Matthew’s appropriate question about leverage — what does the U.S. have to offer? What is the tactical issue linkage that could be put in play here?

Running out of puff?

Sunday, April 17th, 2005

The Economist presents a pretty stark view of the world economy with such gems as:

Unemployment in the euro area is 8.9%; in Germany, France and Spain it is in double digits. Manufacturing in the single-currency zone has stalled. In its latest World Economic Outlook, published this week, the IMF, like other forecasters before it, slashed its forecast for euro-area GDP growth this year, to 1.6%. The world economy’s other weak link, Japan, faltered half-way through 2004 and despite the odd spark has not yet sputtered into life again. Rising oil prices have helped neither of these giant weaklings.

Even in America, where the strength of the expansion has consistently surprised economists, there are nascent signs of slowdown and worries about oil. With job growth scarcely topping 100,000, the March employment report was much weaker than expected. Retail sales grew by only 0.3% (month-on-month) in March, less than half of what analysts had expected, suggesting that record petrol prices were wearing holes in consumers’ pockets.

Or even:

According to statistics released on April 12th, America’s monthly trade deficit reached a record $61 billion in February (see chart). The climb in oil prices may mean another record in March—although much of February’s increase reflected sharp growth in non-oil imports, which were 16% higher than in February 2004.

Brad Setser, a former Treasury official who is now at Roubini Global Economics, an economic-analysis firm, reckons that if non-oil import growth continues at its recent pace and the oil price stays over $50 a barrel, America’s annual trade deficit would reach nearly $800 billion by the end of the year. That said, the figure may not get that high, because $50 oil ought to dampen American consumer demand and hence import growth.

But they conclude:

It is possible to be sanguine about America’s ever more colossal deficits, just as it is about oil. Certainly, the doomsday scenarios of a dollar crash or a hard landing for the American economy are not in sight. America has had little trouble attracting the necessary capital to fund its soaring deficits. Though Asia’s central banks are still big purchasers, they are not the only ones. Thanks to soaring prices, oil exporters have been building up their surpluses. Russia’s foreign-exchange reserves, for instance, are now over $130 billion. Many of these oil exporters are choosing dollar assets. The dollar has strengthened since the beginning of 2005 and long-term interest rates remain remarkably low.

This calm may explain why the world’s finance ministers have done so little to wean themselves off their addiction to American-led growth and why they will spend most of their time in Washington fretting about oil. That is a pity, for while the oil price seems to be the most imminent risk, the size and rate of growth of the global imbalances are the real reason to worry. If the world economy continues on autopilot, those imbalances are set to increase. And you do not need to be a Cassandra to predict that, eventually, they will create a nasty problem.

I guess we will have to see how things pan out in the coming months.

Free trade may have finished off Neanderthals

Friday, April 1st, 2005

This one for all the free-market lovers out there:

Modern humans may have driven Neanderthals to extinction 30,000 years ago because Homo sapiens unlocked the secrets of free trade, say a group of US and Dutch economists. The theory could shed new light on the mysterious and sudden demise of the Neanderthals after over 260,000 years of healthy survival.